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Alan W. Dowd is a Senior Fellow with the American Security Council Foundation, where he writes on the full range of topics relating to national defense, foreign policy and international security. Dowd’s commentaries and essays have appeared in Policy Review, Parameters, Military Officer, The American Legion Magazine, The Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations, The Claremont Review of Books, World Politics Review, The Wall Street Journal Europe, The Jerusalem Post, The Financial Times Deutschland, The Washington Times, The Baltimore Sun, The Washington Examiner, The Detroit News, The Sacramento Bee, The Vancouver Sun, The National Post, The Landing Zone, Current, The World & I, The American Enterprise, Fraser Forum, American Outlook, The American and the online editions of Weekly Standard, National Review and American Interest. Beyond his work in opinion journalism, Dowd has served as an adjunct professor and university lecturer; congressional aide; and administrator, researcher and writer at leading think tanks, including the Hudson Institute, Sagamore Institute and Fraser Institute. An award-winning writer, Dowd has been interviewed by Fox News Channel, Cox News Service, The Washington Times, The National Post, the Australian Broadcasting Corporation and numerous radio programs across North America. In addition, his work has been quoted by and/or reprinted in The Guardian, CBS News, BBC News and the Council on Foreign Relations. Dowd holds degrees from Butler University and Indiana University. Follow him at twitter.com/alanwdowd.

ASCF News

Scott Tilley is a Senior Fellow at the American Security Council Foundation, where he writes the “Technical Power” column, focusing on the societal and national security implications of advanced technology in cybersecurity, space, and foreign relations.

He is an emeritus professor at the Florida Institute of Technology. Previously, he was with the University of California, Riverside, Carnegie Mellon University’s Software Engineering Institute, and IBM. His research and teaching were in the areas of computer science, software & systems engineering, educational technology, the design of communication, and business information systems.

He is president and founder of the Center for Technology & Society, president and co-founder of Big Data Florida, past president of INCOSE Space Coast, and a Space Coast Writers’ Guild Fellow.

He has authored over 150 academic papers and has published 28 books (technical and non-technical), most recently Systems Analysis & Design (Cengage, 2020), SPACE (Anthology Alliance, 2019), and Technical Justice (CTS Press, 2019). He wrote the “Technology Today” column for FLORIDA TODAY from 2010 to 2018.

He is a popular public speaker, having delivered numerous keynote presentations and “Tech Talks” for a general audience. Recent examples include the role of big data in the space program, a four-part series on machine learning, and a four-part series on fake news.

He holds a Ph.D. in computer science from the University of Victoria (1995).

Contact him at stilley@cts.today.

Russia Takes Aim at U.S. Shale Oil Producers

Friday, March 13, 2020

Categories: ASCF News National Preparedness Energy Independence

Comments: 0

Russia’s oil-market war with Saudi Arabia is part of a strategic campaign to cripple U.S. shale-oil production, a powerful economic tool that increasingly allows Washington to advance its foreign policy agenda, say people briefed on the Kremlin’s policies.

Less than two weeks ago, President Vladimir Putin summoned Russian oil companies to a conference room at Moscow’s Vnukovo airport to discuss strategy ahead of a meeting between OPEC and its allies on March 5-6.

For four years, Saudi Arabia and Russia had been curbing production together to prop up prices. But with the deadly new coronavirus beginning to sap global oil demand, Riyadh wanted an aggressive response with deep output cuts. Russia wanted more time to see if the effects of the virus would be temporary.

Mr. Putin asked the room whether Russia could withstand a sharp decline in oil prices that was expected if neither side could reach a compromise. Igor Sechin, the head of the state-controlled giant Rosneft and widely considered a staunch nationalist in Mr. Putin’s circle, said low crude prices “are great because they will damage U.S. shale,” according to people familiar with the meeting.

Days later, Mr. Putin sent his energy minister, Alexander Novak, to the OPEC talks with no mandate to negotiate a production cut with the Saudi-led group, according to oil officials in the cartel. The move, combined with a Saudi insistence on deeper, longer-lasting curbs, led to the collapse of the talks on March 6.

Representatives of the Saudi and Russian energy ministries, the Kremlin and Rosneft didn’t respond to requests for comment.

The disagreement set off an oil-price war between two of the world’s top producers. Over the weekend, Saudi Arabia signaled its intentions to boost production to record levels and slash prices. In response, Moscow said it was also planning to open the taps. Global oil prices then lost a fifth of their value, dropping at the fastest pace in three decades.

“Attempts by state actors to manipulate and shock oil markets reinforce the importance of the role of the United States as a reliable energy supplier to partners and allies around the world,” the U.S. Energy Department said in a statement this week.

Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov said Thursday that Russia isn’t directly targeting U.S. shale. “We’re rivals in this area, but I wouldn’t establish such a link” between Russia’s OPEC+ exit and a desire to harm U.S. shale, he told the Russian news service Interfax.

Russia’s refusal to maintain its alliance with Saudi Arabia comes after four years of joint production cuts to keep a floor on oil prices both nations need to fill their coffers. The effort culminated with the signing of a formal cooperation pact led by both countries last year.

In December, Kirill Dmitriev, chief executive of the Russian Direct Investment Fund, had backed Russian participation in the OPEC cut amid discussions to join Saudi Arabia on cross investments, according to oil officials.

Mr. Dmitriev was part of the Kremlin’s effort to expand the Saudi oil pact into a strategic partnership that would include projects in Russia’s natural-gas sector and the sale of civilian nuclear technology to Saudi Arabia—moves that could help blunt the impact of U.S. sanctions, they said.

An RDIF spokesman declined to comment.

In early February, Saudi King Salman called Mr. Putin, seeking commitments to reduce output again in response to the coronavirus outbreak, the oil officials said. Mr. Putin sought firm guarantees that Saudi Arabia would make progress on investments but was unconvinced by what he heard, they said. The Kremlin’s chief needs to insulate his country from U.S. sanctions over his country’s involvement in the war in Ukraine and allegations he interfered in American politics. Investment by the kingdom would help offset the impact of U.S. sanctions over Russia’s involvement in the war in Ukraine and its interference in U.S. elections.

The collapse of the Saudi-Russian talks gave the upper hand to a man dubbed “the gray cardinal of Russian politics” by the country’s media. Igor Sechin leads the Kremlin’s hard-line Siloviki faction, which includes former security-services agents and is often at odds with the more technocratic wing represented by OPEC backers Messrs. Dmitriev and Novak.

A former member of the Soviet armed forces, Mr. Sechin was a chief of staff at St. Petersburg’s city hall when Mr. Putin started his ascent to the presidency in the 1990s. Now head of Russia’s largest oil company, Rosneft, Mr. Sechin has never hidden his disdain for the OPEC deal, warning last July it meant “the Americans will immediately take [our] market share.”

U.S. shale producers have increased their production by about four million barrels a day since OPEC and Russia agreed to cut output in late 2016. As it became less reliant on global oil imports, Washington became increasingly bold in its use of oil sanctions. Last year, it took the unprecedented step of banning all sales of Iranian oil without exception and prohibited most Venezuelan exports.

Last spring, Harold Hamm, then-chief executive of shale pioneer Continental Resources Inc., told President Trump that American production could cushion the blow of Iranian oil sanctions. “We did advocate with the Domestic Energy Producers Alliance that the U.S. producers could more than make up for lost oil supply due to ending the waivers on Iran,” he told The Wall Street Journal.

Moscow grew concerned when the Trump administration started to focus its energy sanctions on Russia, according to people briefed on the Kremlin’s views. In late December, the U.S. announced restrictions on the $10.5 billion Nord Stream 2 pipeline, which is set to deliver more Russian gas to Germany. In February, Washington placed sanctions on a subsidiary of Rosneft for its ties to Venezuela.

“It could be a protracted struggle as Russia’s strategy seems to be targeting not simply U.S. shale companies but the coercive sanctions policy that American energy abundance has enabled,” said Helima Croft, chief commodities strategist at RBC.

The Russia-Saudi price war has hurt U.S. shale drillersOccidental Petroleum Corp., Devon Energy Corp. and Diamondback Energy Inc. have announced measures such as spending cuts, reduced drilling and lower dividends, while Apache Corp. plans to stop all drilling activity in the Permian basin.

Mr. Trump is considering federal assistance to the shale oil-and-gas industry, while Mr. Hamm has told Bloomberg TV he intends to file a complaint with the U.S. Department of Commerce against Saudi Arabia for “illegal” dumping of crude oil on global markets.

Russia hasn’t given up on returning to the OPEC negotiating table. But it now faces Saudi intransigence. This week Russia signaled it would join a technical conference call next week for OPEC and its allies to discuss market conditions—a sign it intends to maintain lines of communication with the cartel, according to oil officials. Saudi Arabia’s delegates didn’t agree to participate, these officials said. The call was canceled.

Photo: For four years, Russia and Saudi Arabia had been curbing production together to support prices. Above, an oil pumping station near Almetyevsk, Tatarstan, Russia. PHOTO: ANDREY RUDAKOV/BLOOMBERG NEWS

Link: https://www.wsj.com/articles/russia-takes-aim-at-u-s-shale-oil-producers-11584052675?mod=hp_lead_pos5

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