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Alan W. Dowd is a Senior Fellow with the American Security Council Foundation, where he writes on the full range of topics relating to national defense, foreign policy and international security. Dowd’s commentaries and essays have appeared in Policy Review, Parameters, Military Officer, The American Legion Magazine, The Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations, The Claremont Review of Books, World Politics Review, The Wall Street Journal Europe, The Jerusalem Post, The Financial Times Deutschland, The Washington Times, The Baltimore Sun, The Washington Examiner, The Detroit News, The Sacramento Bee, The Vancouver Sun, The National Post, The Landing Zone, Current, The World & I, The American Enterprise, Fraser Forum, American Outlook, The American and the online editions of Weekly Standard, National Review and American Interest. Beyond his work in opinion journalism, Dowd has served as an adjunct professor and university lecturer; congressional aide; and administrator, researcher and writer at leading think tanks, including the Hudson Institute, Sagamore Institute and Fraser Institute. An award-winning writer, Dowd has been interviewed by Fox News Channel, Cox News Service, The Washington Times, The National Post, the Australian Broadcasting Corporation and numerous radio programs across North America. In addition, his work has been quoted by and/or reprinted in The Guardian, CBS News, BBC News and the Council on Foreign Relations. Dowd holds degrees from Butler University and Indiana University. Follow him at twitter.com/alanwdowd.

ASCF News

Scott Tilley is a Senior Fellow at the American Security Council Foundation, where he writes the “Technical Power” column, focusing on the societal and national security implications of advanced technology in cybersecurity, space, and foreign relations.

He is an emeritus professor at the Florida Institute of Technology. Previously, he was with the University of California, Riverside, Carnegie Mellon University’s Software Engineering Institute, and IBM. His research and teaching were in the areas of computer science, software & systems engineering, educational technology, the design of communication, and business information systems.

He is president and founder of the Center for Technology & Society, president and co-founder of Big Data Florida, past president of INCOSE Space Coast, and a Space Coast Writers’ Guild Fellow.

He has authored over 150 academic papers and has published 28 books (technical and non-technical), most recently Systems Analysis & Design (Cengage, 2020), SPACE (Anthology Alliance, 2019), and Technical Justice (CTS Press, 2019). He wrote the “Technology Today” column for FLORIDA TODAY from 2010 to 2018.

He is a popular public speaker, having delivered numerous keynote presentations and “Tech Talks” for a general audience. Recent examples include the role of big data in the space program, a four-part series on machine learning, and a four-part series on fake news.

He holds a Ph.D. in computer science from the University of Victoria (1995).

Contact him at stilley@cts.today.

South Korea Can Now Build Missiles Able to Reach Beijing, With U.S. Blessing

Tuesday, June 15, 2021

Categories: ASCF News Missile Defense

Comments: 0

Source: https://www.wsj.com/articles/south-korea-can-now-build-missiles-able-to-reach-beijing-with-u-s-blessing-11623390978

During Moon Jae-in’s visit to the White House in May, the U.S. and South Korea said the U.S. would remove final missile limits.  PHOTO: ERIN SCOTT/ZUMA PRESS

SEOUL—For decades, the U.S. kept tight limits on how far and how potent South Korea’s ballistic missiles could be, reflecting concerns that Seoul might unilaterally raise tensions with nearby China, North Korea and Russia.

But last month, the Biden administration removed the final limits on Seoul’s missile program, abolishing what had been a roughly 500-mile cap on South Korea’s ballistic-missile range. It is a key change: Seoul’s missiles, in theory, can now fly far enough to strike Beijing, Moscow or anywhere else.

Kim Jong Un’s regime in North Korea has been expanding its nuclear arsenal, and China’s military strength has been growing. The U.S., without provoking others by moving in its own weapons, can see a close ally develop technology that strengthens its own regional military deterrence. Seoul gets back its full nonnuclear weapons sovereignty after long advocating for such a move.

Having better-armed allies will help Washington, especially in light of worsening disputes with Beijing over Taiwan and the South China Sea, and ups the ante for China to participate in North Korean diplomacy, security experts say.

“South Korea can already directly counter the North Korean missile threat,” said Oh Miyeon, a director at the Atlantic Council, a think tank in Washington. “The lifting of the missile guidelines, therefore, has regional security implications, which goes beyond the Korean Peninsula.”

The U.S. has enforced what are known as missile guidelines on Seoul since 1979, when South Korea was under a military dictatorship that in previous years had secretly pursued a nuclear program of its own. The original limits capped flight range at roughly 110 miles, not long enough to hit Pyongyang from the inter-Korean border. The maximum payload the missiles could carry was about half a ton, less than what Germany used during World War II.

Those restrictions didn’t change for more than two decades, until the U.S. extended the flight range to about 185 miles in 2001, then expanded it again to roughly 500 miles in 2012.

But North Korea’s spree of weapons tests in 2017 prompted the Trump administration to drop any payload limit on South Korea’s missiles. Last year, Washington let Seoul develop solid-fuel space rockets that have the potential to aid military surveillance.

Lifting the remaining cap on South Korea’s missile range had been discussed during the end of Donald Trump’s presidency, according to people familiar with the talks. But the two countries were engulfed in contentious military cost-sharing talks, fueled by Mr. Trump’s calls for Seoul to pay significantly more. Negotiations about abolishing the missile-range caps stalled.

Within weeks of President Biden taking office, having promised to restore America’s alliances, the U.S. struck a five-year agreement on the 28,500 American forces stationed in South Korea. Then, during South Korean President Moon Jae-in’s visit to the White House last month, the two countries said the U.S. would remove the final missile limits.

South Korea is likely to use the new weapons autonomy to improve the country’s military satellites, which require similar technology to that used in long-range missiles, say former South Korean military officials and security experts. The country’s efforts won’t include a nuclear pursuit, as Seoul remains a signatory to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty.

“This fits into the broader competition with China and the Biden administration’s wish to approach that through more cooperation with allies,” said Mason Richey, a professor at South Korea’s Hankuk University of Foreign Studies. China hasn’t publicly protested the U.S. policy shift on South Korea’s missile program. North Korea didn’t issue a formal statement from the government, opting for a milder state-media response by publishing a column written by an international-affairs critic. The U.S. move to drop the missile restrictions, the North Korean critic wrote, would trigger an arms race.

Pursuing more military firepower is a delicate balance for South Korea. The installation of a U.S. antimissile defense system in 2017 on South Korean soil angered China. But Beijing, while not supportive of the policy shift, is unlikely to be overly upset, said Tong Zhao, a senior fellow at the Carnegie-Tsinghua Center for Global Policy, a think tank.

“For China, South Korean missiles controlled by Seoul are less threatening than American missiles controlled by Washington,” Mr. Zhao said.

After the payload restriction was lifted four years ago, South Korea developed missiles that supported warheads weighing 2 tons—all the while adhering to the maximum range of about 500 miles. That technology can easily be modified by affixing lighter warheads so that the missiles fly much longer distances, weapons experts say.

With no limits on flight distance, creating a network of military satellites would enable Seoul to become less reliant on American technology to monitor North Korea, former South Korean defense officials say.

“Having us do more of the same doesn’t hurt because it means more observability and intelligence,” said Kim Byung-joo, a retired four-star South Korean army general who serves as a lawmaker in Seoul’s legislature. “It’s a case of the more, the merrier.”

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